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skip to content angry mob we read the papers everyday menu about contact me donate the power of hope, part 2: campaign in part 1: context , i set the scene for our current politics, post-2008 crash, with hung parliaments, brexit and trump signalling that more and more people were voting for change – for the hope that by challenging the establishment they could better their lives. part 2 looks at how this groundswell of feeling played out in the recent snap election. given the premise i have set up, it hardly needs pointing out that may’s campaign was the exact opposite to those run by leave and trump. much like the previous conservative campaign run to elect cameron’s slim majority (and indeed, the remain campaign run by cameron et al), may’s campaign was based on the fear of what would happen if you didn’t vote to maintain the conservative status quo. whilst the remain campaign’s ‘project fear’ at least tried to base itself in facts and figures and a genuine concern for the economic impact of brexit, may’s ‘project fear’ decided to abandon any sense of justification and resorted to the worst kind of conservative sneering. theresa may promised again and again that if she lost six seats, jeremy corbyn would be pm. last night she lost at least 12. pic.twitter.com/i3fslu6aet — channel 4 news (@channel4news) june 9, 2017 the ‘maybot’ repeatedly feeds the same audience the same cues to sneer at corbyn et al; may and the conservative team had no way of knowing how this would play with the electorate as there were none there to hear it. such was the astonishing arrogance of the tory campaign that they confidently created their own touring echo chamber and awaited feedback from the ballot box – certain that it would be a resounding majority for may. may’s robotic performances, delivered in the same way, to the same tory crowds, waving the same placards, in interchangeable soulless locations served only to emphasis the complete lack of change and hope offered by the tories. it was supposed, no doubt, to symbolise and solidify the stability and strength of theresa may, that she was an unchanging force that would weather any storms offered up by brexit. it was supposed to be an election where the bovine masses would be utterly enthralled by the ‘strong and stable leadership’ only a domineering thatcher-like (or rather, ‘thatcher-lite’) pm could deliver. the lesson the conservative party didn’t learn from brexit and trump is that people didn’t vote for either to achieve stability and maintain the status quo, they voted for them because they are desperate for change. they wanted to shake up the political establishment and give it a kicking for neglecting them for so long. brexit was – and remains – a tremendous gamble, but it is clearly one that 52% of the population are willing to take. so when may paused, in the video above, after each name to allow the tory faithful to make the planned pantomime noises of fear, she was actually giving the voting audience a chance to actually imagine what it would be like to have jeremy corbyn et al in office. given that corbyn was clearly terrifying the establishment, was promising to fund the nhs, would employ 20,000 new police officers and tackle the social care funding crisis, a lot of people clearly liked what they imagined during those faux-dramatic pauses. what is interesting is that this election should have been the one that cemented the conservative right’s dominance in british politics. the accepted view was that farage, trump, le pen and fascism in general were supposed to be the main beneficiaries of this surge of anti-establishment feeling. the world looked on in horror at trump’s election and wondered if europe would – in the elections following – lurch back to facism as it had done during the great depression of the 1930s. but it hasn’t worked out that way – yet. le pen failed and may – who had moved the conservatives firmly to the right in an attempt to mop up the disintegrating ukip vote – didn’t get a thumping majority that had seemed so inevitable just days before the election. as we all know, may didn’t even get a majority, let alone a landslide. instead jeremy corbyn – the most disastrous labour leader in history, according to a lot of his own mps, and utterly unelectable to most (probably because that’s what they kept being told by almost everyone, including most of the labour party) – instead ended up with just 2% less vote share than theresa may. how jeremy corbyn did this is simple – and based on my premise, fairly obvious: he was anti-establishment, offered real change and campaigned on a basis of hope. brexit and trump demonstrated that you don’t have to have a complex message to get people engaged and voting for you, you just have to sell – convincingly – the idea that you will do something to better their lives . for trump it was putting america first, draining the swamp, banning muslims and building walls – all to help the average american have a good job, take back control from washington and be safe from crime. for brexit it was taking back control – over borders, law and trade – again, to make you prosperous and safe. base instincts, simple messages and the clarity of the promise that the result would be something not offered by the current political system that would improve your life . brexit and the recent election also saw an increased turn out, which is to be expected if change is offered. you don’t tackle voter apathy by offering the same thing, you also don’t inspire people by offering the same thing in a different colour rosette (take note ed miliband, you can’t beat the tories by trying to be them with your anti-immigration mugs etc). whilst may was embodying the unchanging, uncaring establishment, corbyn had a basic message: it doesn’t have to be this way, we can have a political party that represents the many, not the few; we can change the priorities of government so that investment in public services is at the heart of it. it gave people hope, it gave them a real choice – in the same way that brexit got the voters out because the choice was so simple and binary – leave or remain. corbyn framed this election in the same way: the end of the welfare state and ever-increasing austerity for the poor and tax giveaways to the rich, or taxing the rich a little more and properly funding our public services. for once voters had a real choice between left and right and this was reflected not just in british politics returning more closely to a two-party state, but also in increased turnout. a lot was made of ukip’s collapse and the inevitable conservative surge this would generate. but in truth this view was always simplistic and wrong when you look at why people voted ukip in the first place. it is a mistake to think that people voted ukip or voted leave solely because they wanted to leave the eu and that what happened afterwards was an irrelevance. actually, for many ukip and leave voters, leaving the eu was a means to an end. in their eyes their poverty and life chances were being limited by being in the eu, therefore leaving the eu would lead to the changes that bettered their lives. would all ukip or leave voters really care about the ideals of sovereignty or ‘unelected’ bureaucrats who may or may not be discussing the shape of bananas in brussels if they had a good job, money and a sense that life was treating them fairly? ukip’s manifestos – once you got past the xenophobia – have always contained lots of left-wing, socialist details because they understood a lot of the issues that the disenfranchised voters care about. working class votes were their bread and butter. it therefore shouldn’t be a surprise that an anti-establishment figure like corbyn offering real change, real hope and a manifesto that clearly addressed the concerns of a lot of working class ukip voters pulled in a significant share of the ukip vote. this is even more logical given that article 50 has already been tri

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